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In this interview, Narrator 001 talks about the state jobs he had during his incarceration, including in industry and the mess hall, and how he budgeted his income along with the money his family sent him. He recounts his experience purchasing items from the commissary store, including his interactions with clerks, other incarcerated men, and how far $30 got him per commissary. His account sheds light on the cost of food items in prison relative to the wages that incarcerated individuals receive for their labor.

In this interview, Narrator 002 talks about the importance of food and commissary in prison not only for sustenance but also for maintaining relationships with other incarcerated men. He recounts his experience receiving packages from family members, gifting items to other incarcerated men, and exchanging cigarettes and stamps for items. His account sheds light on the social meaning and economic value of food items within the prison informal economy.

In this interview, Narrator 003 discusses how commissary works in prison, including the frequent delays, the particular items available for purchase, and the difficulty of surviving on commissary alone due to the high costs of shopping there. Narrator 003 describes how he tried to make use of packages from his mother to circumvent the restrictions on commissary purchases, and how he sought help from other family members and friends in order to avoid racking up debt inside prison. This interview sheds light on the financial difficulties of surviving in prison, the prevalence of debt, and the necessity of relying on family members for money and packages.

In this interview, Narrator 004 describes how he had to rely on financial support from friends and family during his incarceration due to the high cost of commissary items and the low wages he earned through prison labor. He also recounts selling cigarettes and stamps in order to generate additional income in the prison informal economy. The interview sheds light on the functioning of the informal economy, including "inmate stores" and the drug trade, as well as the precarious conditions of life inside prison institutions.

In this interview, Narrator 006 talks about his job in the mess hall and how he generated a steady income through the prison informal economy to make up for the low wages he received for his labor inside prison. He recounts his experience cooking with other men to save money, receiving packages and money from his family, and taking on a "hustle." His account sheds light on the risks that incarcerated people take to acquire an adequate amount of food for their survival, and why they must do so.

In this interview, Narrator 007 talks about the state jobs he had during his incarceration, including in the mess hall and commissary store. He explains why he saved the money that his family sent him instead of spending it within the formal and informal prison economies. His account sheds light on the fees that incarcerated people are responsible for including surcharges, and the necessity of financial foresight.

In this interview, Narrator 010 discusses working in the mess hall during his incarceration and how the prison often cut back on portions and particular meals, which forced people to spend their money at the commissary store. He recounts price increases and product shortages at commissary, and talks about the help he received from his family, particularly his wife, in the form of money and packages. He explains that "side hustles" and participation in the prison informal economy are what help incarcerated people afford basic necessities, but that either could result in accrued debt and violent retaliation from other prisoners. This interview sheds light on the financial difficulty of surviving inside prison and how the informal economy is a lifeline to incarcerated individuals while also creating the potential for debt and violence.

In this interview, Narrator 106 discusses the differences in commissary between Rikers Island and state prison. In prison, his jobs as a porter and mess hall cleaner paid very little, but he was able to rely on monetary support from loved ones. Narrator 106 explains that he participated in the informal economy and sold drugs while he was incarcerated to take the financial burden off of his family, suggesting that surviving in prison is reminiscent of hustling on the streets. Narrator 106 also talks about the restrictions set by the prison and how they limited him in terms of receiving packages and money for commissary from loved ones long-distance and during visits. This interview sheds light on the necessity of outside financial support, and how many incarcerated people turn to hustling and other illicit means to get by.

In this interview, Narrator 108 talks about the jobs he had during his incarceration, including in optics and the mess hall. He recounts the financial and emotional support he received from family, partners, and childhood friends, and how he maintained those relationships while he was in prison. He explains that each of his loved ones covered a different expense, including the phone, commissary buys, and packages. Though he received help from the outside, he did want to take care of his needs largely on his own. His account sheds light on what it is like to do prison labor.

In this interview, Narrator 110 recounts his experience surviving in prison with irregular financial support from his family outside. He describes the food provided by the prison as insufficient and of extremely poor quality. To get some extra food, Narrator 110 had to carefully budget the little income he received through prison labor, and to rely on the solidarity of fellow prisoners.

In this interview, Narrator 112 talks about what it was like to be incarcerated and not being able to count on regular financial support from friends or family outside. He recounts experiencing constant hunger and other forms of extreme material deprivation during his incarceration. He also describes how he generated extra income in the prison informal economy to be able to purchase food and other essentials at commissary

In this interview, Narrator 113 talks about how he made ends meet during his incarceration by engaging in the prison informal economy. He recounts how he had to take on several "hustles", such as gambling, selling mess hall food, and trading cigarettes, in order to generate extra income. His account sheds light on several features of the prison informal economy, including the currencies, debt and credit, and its link with the outside economy.

In this interview, Narrator 114 discusses how he relied on his family to send him money in order to purchase items at the prison commissary, the initial delays he struggled with when it came to receiving his money, and that he did not know how commissary worked nor which essentials to buy. He explains that, although his jobs inside prison only paid cents per hour, he was able to benefit from certain perks in each role, including collecting and selling contraband. In addition, Narrator 114 sold tobacco and purchased drugs in the prison informal economy. This interview sheds light on the function of the informal economy inside prison, the importance of outside support, and the benefits of certain jobs.

In this interview, Narrator 122 discusses how he had to budget, prioritize certain items at commissary buys, and would only purchase the cheap essentials that last a long time. He explains that incarcerated people have to rely on outside support systems, which often includes family members, because most of the food served at the mess hall is low quality and not enough to survive on. He recalls receiving food packages from his mother, which were meaningful to him because they are extremely expensive, time-consuming to put together, and strictly regulated by prisons. He also explains the importance of friendship inside prison in terms of sharing food items and splitting up tasks like cooking and cleaning. Narrator 122 describes how stamps and cigarettes function like currency in the informal economy and can be exchanged for snacks and other items. This interview sheds light on the necessity of outside support, the cost and bureaucracy that goes into receiving that support, and the purpose of the informal economy in filling gaps for people who do not have outside help.

In this interview, Narrator 123 talks about his jobs in mess halls, and how he operated an informal store of his own to make ends meet while he was incarcerated. He describes who purchased items from his store, how he expanded his inventory, and explains that running an informal store is one way that people like himself inside prison are able to secure enough food to eat. His account sheds light on the range of "hustles" within the prison informal economy.

In this interview, Narrator 124 talks about the food items he purchased from the commissary store and what he purchased from the prison informal economy to save money. He recounts how selling magazines and Newports were his "hustles", which were necessary to supplement the money he received from his aunt and brother. His account sheds light on several features of the prison informal economy including the range of necessities sold like pots and pans, and what it is like to sell items within it.

In this interview, Narrator 127 talks about the prison informal economy and his state jobs in commissary stores and prison libraries, which together his livelihood depended on. He recalls that while he was working in the commissary store, he learned that the state makes a significant profit on sales. His account sheds light on the profits that prisons generate through price hikes on commissary items and wage stagnation.

In this interview, Narrator 130 talks about the costs of eating, showering, and living in a prison cell. He describes the hygiene, food, and clothing items provided by the state and explains why they are insufficient. His account sheds light on the physical conditions inside prison including showers and cells, and the basic expenses that become the responsibility of incarcerated individuals or their loved ones.

In this interview, Narrator 132 discusses how he had to survive on the bare minimum while he was incarcerated due to a lack of funds. He purchased necessities at the commissary store with the little money he made from his state job. He got by, by exchanging food he took from the mess hall for stamps or cigarettes, which functioned as forms of currency, or for other food items he needed. Narrator 132 also went to "stores" or "jugglers" and racked up a small amount of debt in order to buy snacks and other items. He explains that many other people inside were struggling like him and could not afford to max out at commissary. This interview sheds light on the function of jobs inside prison in facilitating exchanges through the informal economy, which allow incarcerated people to scrape by.

In this interview, Narrator 134 explains that he did not struggle financially in prison thanks to support from his family members, friends, and girlfriends. They sent him packages with luxury items that were a mark of his status inside prison, as well as money for commissary. He describes the economic hierarchy inside prison, and how he would help out people in need, especially through his job as a porter and his gang membership. In addition, he leveraged his job as a porter to make extra money by selling illicit items within the prison and participated in the informal economy by gambling, reselling cigarettes, and selling drugs. This interview sheds light on how prisons are often segregated by status, social standing, ethnicity, and gang affiliation, as well as the ways specific jobs can facilitate trading through the informal economy.

In this interview, Narrator 223 talks about sending her son money and packages, and paying for phone calls while he was incarcerated. In addition, she explains why it was important for Narrator 123 and herself to financially support his daughter any way they could. However, it was not easy and she recalls finding a way to do so even when she was laid off from her job. Her account sheds light on the importance of showing incarcerated people that they are cared for and the financial hardship that families face.

In this interview, Narrator 232 talks about her experience supporting her nephew, Narrator 132, who is like a son to her, during his incarceration and how she kept him motivated to continue his education inside prison. She describes how she used JPay to send him stamps and money for commissary, and her experience using the service to communicate with him. Her account sheds light on the expenses that households take on when a loved one is incarcerated, and the financial and emotional responsibilities so often shouldered by women.

In this interview, Narrator 325 discusses JPay and the predatory, profit-driven nature of their services, and the few lackluster JPay benefits promised to incarcerated people during the pandemic. He recalls how JPay's promotional benefits often did not work, were temporary, and that the benefits were minimal themselves. Delays, design flaws, and product breakdowns were frequent but incarcerated people had little recourse. This interview sheds light on the profit motive behind JPay's services and how incarcerated people are often taken advantage of financially by such corporations.

In this interview, Narrator 326 discusses JPay and how the corporation took advantage of incarcerated people and their isolation during the pandemic. He recounts how the few promotional benefits they offered such as free stamps and messages encouraged more spending as incarcerated people had no other means of communicating with loved ones during lockdown. The lack of recreation, visitation, and mail all led to a dramatic increase in tablet usage for both communication and entertainment, thus increasing profits for JPay. This interview sheds light on the predatory, profit-driven nature of JPay's services and how incarcerated people are often taken advantage of financially by such corporations, particularly during a tumultuous time like the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the course of this group discussion, five members of NYU's Prison Education Program (PEP) reflect on their transition from prison inmates and students to their training as student researchers in the PEP Research Lab. They trade their experiences of life on the inside, debunking a variety of public myths about the welfare and treatment of those caught within the prison system. Discussing their post-carceral roles as students and researchers, they analyze the differences between the two, drawing particular attention to the social status accorded to researchers. Building on the independence and resources offered by PEP's Research Lab, they describe the initiatives they have taken to launch new paths of inquiry into carceral life and the financial and social burdens that continue to afflict formerly incarcerated on reentry.